The Minimalist
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Henry George recommended a single, 100% tax on the unimproved value of land. Here I'll attempt to show the insufficiency of that remedy using only his own premises.
Premise 1: The all-devouring rent thesis
George viewed the landlord as the “robber that takes all that is left...save just enough to enable the victim to maintain life and come forth next day to work”. (Protection or Free Trade) Here we see a kinship between Marxian surplus value and Georgian ground rent. The only difference is that, whereas Marx named capital the robber of labor proper, George, who identified the capitalist with the labor embodied in his capital, named the landlord the robber of both labor and capital, ground rent devouring both the wage and the interest on capital.
Premise 2: The fallacy of compensation
In a chapter of Progress and Poverty entitled "Claim of Landowners to Compensation", George addressed just that: those of his critics who wanted landlords to be compensated as part of any collectivization scheme like his. Such critics had pointed out that some landlords are new landlords, having earned their fortunes “honestly” (i.e. not by ground rent). George's response was that compensation would merely take from the community upfront fully what ground rents would have taken over time, thus defeating the purpose. The fallacy of compensation is thus the mistaken identification of the problem as ground rent per se, when it is in fact any distributive injustice owing to ground rent, in this case the capitalization of land on the basis of future ground rent.
But what about past ground rents? Have they not resulted in distributive injustice? Future ground rents are in current land values, but where are past ground rents currently? Well, if Premise 1 is correct, they're everywhere, accounting for all capital. For how can the laborer, left with only the means of maintaining his labor power, or even the capitalist, left with only the means of maintaining his capital, find the means to invest in the creation of new capital? Premise 1 means that the origin of all capital is ground rent, and thus a landlord becoming a capitalist (the reverse of the “honest” landlord above). And thus the capitalist has no more legitimate a right to his capital than the landlord has to his land or, what's the same, compensation for being dispossessed of it. George's critics were correct--to single out landlords would be unjust--not because some landlords are ultimately not landlords, as his critics argued, but because every capitalist is ultimately a landlord.
Premise 1: The all-devouring rent thesis
George viewed the landlord as the “robber that takes all that is left...save just enough to enable the victim to maintain life and come forth next day to work”. (Protection or Free Trade) Here we see a kinship between Marxian surplus value and Georgian ground rent. The only difference is that, whereas Marx named capital the robber of labor proper, George, who identified the capitalist with the labor embodied in his capital, named the landlord the robber of both labor and capital, ground rent devouring both the wage and the interest on capital.
Premise 2: The fallacy of compensation
In a chapter of Progress and Poverty entitled "Claim of Landowners to Compensation", George addressed just that: those of his critics who wanted landlords to be compensated as part of any collectivization scheme like his. Such critics had pointed out that some landlords are new landlords, having earned their fortunes “honestly” (i.e. not by ground rent). George's response was that compensation would merely take from the community upfront fully what ground rents would have taken over time, thus defeating the purpose. The fallacy of compensation is thus the mistaken identification of the problem as ground rent per se, when it is in fact any distributive injustice owing to ground rent, in this case the capitalization of land on the basis of future ground rent.
But what about past ground rents? Have they not resulted in distributive injustice? Future ground rents are in current land values, but where are past ground rents currently? Well, if Premise 1 is correct, they're everywhere, accounting for all capital. For how can the laborer, left with only the means of maintaining his labor power, or even the capitalist, left with only the means of maintaining his capital, find the means to invest in the creation of new capital? Premise 1 means that the origin of all capital is ground rent, and thus a landlord becoming a capitalist (the reverse of the “honest” landlord above). And thus the capitalist has no more legitimate a right to his capital than the landlord has to his land or, what's the same, compensation for being dispossessed of it. George's critics were correct--to single out landlords would be unjust--not because some landlords are ultimately not landlords, as his critics argued, but because every capitalist is ultimately a landlord.