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Scholars Call Trump’s Actions on Ukraine an Impeachable Abuse of Power | New York Times
Democrats and Republicans clashed over the Constitution and President Trump’s conduct as the House Judiciary Committee formally began its impeachment proceedings.
Constitutional scholars testify before the House Judiciary Committee.
If Donald Trump's abuse of presidential power is not checked, future presidents could strong-arm foreign governments to assist them in winning US elections. This is precisely what the principle authors of the Constitution (Jefferson and Madison) most feared - foreign government (at the time British) interference in American elections. Donald Trump's Obstruction of Congress also needs to be addressed. The Supreme Court has previously ruled that subpoena's issued in the course of the impeachment process are legal and valid subpoena's. Trump has ordered subpoenaed witnesses not to testify before the House impeachment Intelligence/Judiciary Committee's, and subpoenaed documents to not be provided to the House.
Republicans need to carefully think about the above. If Trump can employ such illicit tactics without consequence, then another president, perhaps a Democrat president, can follow suit and also employ such Trumpian lawlessness while in office.
A standard will be established here. Will it be a Constitutional standard, or a Trumpian standard?
Democrats and Republicans clashed over the Constitution and President Trump’s conduct as the House Judiciary Committee formally began its impeachment proceedings.
Constitutional scholars testify before the House Judiciary Committee.
12/4/19
WASHINGTON — The House Judiciary Committee opened an epic partisan clash over the impeachment of President Trump on Wednesday at a hearing where Democrats and Republicans offered up dueling legal scholars who disagreed over whether the president’s conduct rose to the constitutional threshold to warrant his removal from office. At the start of a new phase in Democrats’ fast-moving push to impeach Mr. Trump, three law professors they invited to testify declared that the president’s move to press Ukraine to investigate his political rivals constituted an abuse of power that was clearly impeachable, crossing crucial boundaries established by the nation’s founders to ensure the sanctity of American democracy. The appropriate and necessary remedy, they argued, was impeachment. “If what we’re talking about is not impeachable, then nothing is impeachable,” Michael J. Gerhardt, a professor at the University of North Carolina, told the panel. “This is precisely the misconduct that the framers created the Constitution, including impeachment, to protect against.” A fourth witness, called by Republicans, said that might be the case, but argued that Democrats had failed to prove their case against Mr. Trump and risked dangerously lowering the standards for impeachment for decades to come if they drove forward with a “fast and narrow,” and entirely partisan, process. The dispute unfolded as members of both parties braced for a historic confrontation in the weeks to come over whether to make Mr. Trump only the third president in history to be impeached.
Inside the House Ways and Means Committee’s hearing room, the political divisions briefly receded amid a loftier debate among the constitutional scholars about executive power and accountability, and the standards by which Congress should move to oust a sitting president. Noah Feldman, a professor at Harvard, argued that Mr. Trump’s decision to withhold a White House meeting and military assistance from Ukraine while he demanded political favors from its president was a classic impeachable abuse of power. “If we cannot impeach a president who uses his power for personal advantage, we no longer live in a democracy,” Mr. Feldman said. “We live in a monarchy or a dictatorship.” Democrats and Republicans also sparred bitterly over the findings of the two-month-long House Intelligence Committee investigation, concluded a day earlier. In a 300-page report released on Tuesday, the Intelligence panel asserted that Mr. Trump abused his office by pressuring Ukraine to help him in the 2020 presidential election, while withholding a coveted White House meeting for Ukraine’s president and $391 million in security assistance, and then tried to conceal his actions from Congress. Republicans submitted dissenting views that rejected any wrongdoing. Pamela S. Karlan, a Stanford law professor, told lawmakers that the president’s attempt to “strong-arm a foreign leader” would not be considered politics as usual by historical standards. “Drawing a foreign government into our election process is an especially serious abuse of power because it undermines democracy itself,” Ms. Karlan said.
If Donald Trump's abuse of presidential power is not checked, future presidents could strong-arm foreign governments to assist them in winning US elections. This is precisely what the principle authors of the Constitution (Jefferson and Madison) most feared - foreign government (at the time British) interference in American elections. Donald Trump's Obstruction of Congress also needs to be addressed. The Supreme Court has previously ruled that subpoena's issued in the course of the impeachment process are legal and valid subpoena's. Trump has ordered subpoenaed witnesses not to testify before the House impeachment Intelligence/Judiciary Committee's, and subpoenaed documents to not be provided to the House.
Republicans need to carefully think about the above. If Trump can employ such illicit tactics without consequence, then another president, perhaps a Democrat president, can follow suit and also employ such Trumpian lawlessness while in office.
A standard will be established here. Will it be a Constitutional standard, or a Trumpian standard?