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Karl Marx held that a person’s income, and the source of his income, determined the person’s political preferences. There is some truth to this. Those earning minimum wage are more likely to favor increases in the minimum wage than their employers, especially if their employers hire mostly minimum wage employees, and are in danger of going out of business. If the minimum wage goes up they are likely to lose their businesses. Those who belong to trade unions are likely to vote Democrat. Their employers are likely to vote Republican.
Nevertheless, for most people most of the time loyalties of class are less powerful than loyalties of race, nationality, and ethnicity. In his book The Emerging Republican Majority, published in 1969 Kevin Phillips reported that when large numbers of Jews moved to New York City during the turn of the last century, most of them voted Republican. This was because Tammany Hall, which dominated New York City politics, was dominated by Irish. Jews began to move to the Democrat Party, but it was the New Deal that made them the steadfast Democratic constituency they are now.
During the turn of the last century Mark Hanna, a powerful Republican, said, “I carry the black vote around in my vest pocket.” Blacks continued to vote Republican in large numbers until the civil rights movement. I have read that Martin Luther King, Jr. was a registered Republican.
The civil rights movement, which turned blacks Democrat, turned Southern whites Republican.
In The Emerging Republican Majority Kevin Phillips said that when the black population of a state is less than ten percent it has little effect on white voting behavior. When the black population exceeds ten percent whites get nervous. When it approaches fifty percent the control of those blacks is the most important political issue for most whites in the state.
Southern whites traditionally were hostile to Roman Catholics too. Kevin Phillips had an interesting story of conflicting Southern white loyalties. During the presidential election of 1928 the Democrats nominated Al Smith, who was a Roman Catholic. Smith was disliked in the South. For the first time Southern border states voted for a Republican presidential candidate. Nevertheless, the deep South voted for Al Smith. This was because they were more hostile to blacks than to Roman Catholics.
Members of each race who lack highly marketable job skills tend to favor hiring preferences for their race. Blacks favor affirmative action. Lower income whites favor white supremacy.
A third factor that influences voting behavior is sexual preference. By this I do not refer to the dichotomy between heterosexuals and homosexuals. I mean the dichotomy among heterosexuals between those who value marriage, and those who enjoy casual sex and sexual variety.
This is discussed in The Hidden Agenda of the Political Mind, by Jason Weeden and Robert Kurzban.
They label as “ring bearers” those who value marriage, and who have little interest in casual sex and sexual variety. They label as “free wheelers” those who have little interest in marriage, and who enjoy casual sex and sexual variety.
The difference between ring bearers and free wheelers is analog rather than binary. Ring bearers and free wheelers are at opposite ends of a continuum.
An interesting assertion made by Weeden and Kurzban is that sexual behavior has more of an influence of church attendance than does church attendance on sexual behavior. Free wheelers who are raised in religious families usually stop going to church. Ring bearers who are raised in secular families usually start going to church.
Free wheelers are more likely to oppose restrictions on pornography and abortion, they are more likely to go to bars and parties, and they are more likely to favor the legalization of marijuana. They are also more likely to vote Democrat.
Ring bearers are more likely to vote Republican. In the 2004 presidential election people who attended church more than once a week were 81 percent likely to vote for George W. Bush.
Election 2004 Analysis | November 5, 2004 | Religion & Ethics NewsWeekly | PBS
Economic interests, ethnicity, and sexual behavior have more influence on voting behavior than fact based arguments. Awhile ago I read an article in The New York Times that said that liberals do not want to be told bad things about homosexuals and blacks.
This can be seen in the murder of Matthew Shepard. In 1969 he was killed by two men he picked up in a bar. That was in the news for months. It was only years later that I learned that at about the same time two adult male homosexuals raped and tortured to death a thirteen year old boy.
There was no conspiracy to cover that up. Nevertheless, most journalists are liberals. They did not want to cover the story.
Nevertheless, for most people most of the time loyalties of class are less powerful than loyalties of race, nationality, and ethnicity. In his book The Emerging Republican Majority, published in 1969 Kevin Phillips reported that when large numbers of Jews moved to New York City during the turn of the last century, most of them voted Republican. This was because Tammany Hall, which dominated New York City politics, was dominated by Irish. Jews began to move to the Democrat Party, but it was the New Deal that made them the steadfast Democratic constituency they are now.
During the turn of the last century Mark Hanna, a powerful Republican, said, “I carry the black vote around in my vest pocket.” Blacks continued to vote Republican in large numbers until the civil rights movement. I have read that Martin Luther King, Jr. was a registered Republican.
The civil rights movement, which turned blacks Democrat, turned Southern whites Republican.
In The Emerging Republican Majority Kevin Phillips said that when the black population of a state is less than ten percent it has little effect on white voting behavior. When the black population exceeds ten percent whites get nervous. When it approaches fifty percent the control of those blacks is the most important political issue for most whites in the state.
Southern whites traditionally were hostile to Roman Catholics too. Kevin Phillips had an interesting story of conflicting Southern white loyalties. During the presidential election of 1928 the Democrats nominated Al Smith, who was a Roman Catholic. Smith was disliked in the South. For the first time Southern border states voted for a Republican presidential candidate. Nevertheless, the deep South voted for Al Smith. This was because they were more hostile to blacks than to Roman Catholics.
Members of each race who lack highly marketable job skills tend to favor hiring preferences for their race. Blacks favor affirmative action. Lower income whites favor white supremacy.
A third factor that influences voting behavior is sexual preference. By this I do not refer to the dichotomy between heterosexuals and homosexuals. I mean the dichotomy among heterosexuals between those who value marriage, and those who enjoy casual sex and sexual variety.
This is discussed in The Hidden Agenda of the Political Mind, by Jason Weeden and Robert Kurzban.
They label as “ring bearers” those who value marriage, and who have little interest in casual sex and sexual variety. They label as “free wheelers” those who have little interest in marriage, and who enjoy casual sex and sexual variety.
The difference between ring bearers and free wheelers is analog rather than binary. Ring bearers and free wheelers are at opposite ends of a continuum.
An interesting assertion made by Weeden and Kurzban is that sexual behavior has more of an influence of church attendance than does church attendance on sexual behavior. Free wheelers who are raised in religious families usually stop going to church. Ring bearers who are raised in secular families usually start going to church.
Free wheelers are more likely to oppose restrictions on pornography and abortion, they are more likely to go to bars and parties, and they are more likely to favor the legalization of marijuana. They are also more likely to vote Democrat.
Ring bearers are more likely to vote Republican. In the 2004 presidential election people who attended church more than once a week were 81 percent likely to vote for George W. Bush.
Election 2004 Analysis | November 5, 2004 | Religion & Ethics NewsWeekly | PBS
Economic interests, ethnicity, and sexual behavior have more influence on voting behavior than fact based arguments. Awhile ago I read an article in The New York Times that said that liberals do not want to be told bad things about homosexuals and blacks.
This can be seen in the murder of Matthew Shepard. In 1969 he was killed by two men he picked up in a bar. That was in the news for months. It was only years later that I learned that at about the same time two adult male homosexuals raped and tortured to death a thirteen year old boy.
There was no conspiracy to cover that up. Nevertheless, most journalists are liberals. They did not want to cover the story.