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Because in order to support government intervention, you have to support one of those 3 principles at least at the time of the intervention. If Keynes did not support them, his argument is logically flawed. But I disagree Keynes did not support any of those principles. Keynes may not have explicitly supported them, but the fact he thought government was necessary to save country from recession means he must have thought that during a recession government acted more efficiently than the free market. How else to you interpret calls for government to save the free market? Isn't the argument that consumers are sitting on money and using it inefficiently by not spending it, therefore government must spend it?
That he didn't support any of the three assumptions you set forth is only inconvenient for your argument. It does not undermine his argument. One can rationalize government intervention for reasons other than the three you listed. Your list is not all-inclusive.
On the first statement, of course. As for the second, using only individual prices as a measure of inflation will only measure the effects of inflation on those individual prices. They will not accurately measure the general price level. This is what I was talking about with housing.
Given all the information that is available, one can construct one's own inflation indices that include consumer prices, producer prices, asset prices, etc. Nothing precludes one from doing so. I happen to believe greater detail is better than one simple number that might or might not fairly represent inflation.
I understand that argument. But if such improvements lead to a rise in price, prices must fall somewhere else.
An illustration: In Year 200X, one paid $50 for a chip (1 GB of RAM). By 200Y, increased efficiencies from scale, learning effects, technological advancement, allowed for one to purchase the same chip (now 2 GB of RAM) for $75. Although one paid 50% more for the chip, there was value added due to the RAM having doubled. In other words, the price per GB of RAM declined from $50 to $37.50. Representative inflation indices should not ignore the reality that one's buying power has increased, not decreased under such a scenario. Your argument suggests that this favorable development be ignored. Were your method utilized, one would report a 50% increase in chip prices despite the reality that the value added had increased more than the price.
You are absolutely correct. But none of that justifies or defends in any way ignoring a rise in price in a certain good because it has a substitute. Inflation effects certain goods more than others, even if the goods are subsitutes. To say because people are buying a substitute because they can no longer afford the good they would have preferred means there is no inflation is bogus.
One cannot ignore consumption patterns if one is trying to measure consumer prices. In the most absurd example, let's say there are only two products A and B (they are substitutes). The price of A rises to such a point that every consumer makes a permanent switch to B. An inflation index that ignores that reality that customers no longer purchase Product A would be irrelevant.
The assumption is that the government knows everything that is happening in the market place at any given time. Individual households spend and save differently. To assume that some bureaucrats can possibly accurately measure the spending habbits of over 300 million people is silly. If they are off even by a a few percentage points, it makes a huge difference in inflation numbers.
The inflation indices do not represent prices the government is imposing on consumers. They reflect prices that are prevailing in the marketplace. Overwhelmingly, those prices result from supply and demand, not government mandate. That government agencies report the prices does not change that reality.
Also, price indices offer a snapshot of what an "average" customer is paying. Needless to say, each consumer is unique. Each has unique consumption patterns. The inflation indices offer a reasonable idea of what is going on in terms of prices.
Premiums should be part of the CPI, especially considering how much money is spent on them. You see, those who publish the CPI tend to remove items that are inflating in price from the basket to keep it looking stable. It really is a joke. If you continually change the ruler, how can you claim to have accurate measurements? Changes in consumer spending on certain items may be a direct result of certain items being more expensive. Say people spend less on candy because it grew too expensive. As a result, the CPI would lower how much weight candy had in its numbers. It has a tendency to remove the items that are inflating the most.
Premiums reflect a combination of underlying costs (part of the inflation indices) and profit objectives of the health insurers. If one is interested in tracking insurance premiums, such data is available. Large amounts of health data from total national expenditures to out-of-pocket expenditures are available. There is no analytical challenge to using such information.
While I won't speak for others, I use multiple indicators to examine price trends (narrow and broad measures, not to mention myriad asset prices). With full knowledge of the limitations of each index and reliance on multiple sources of data, I believe I have a pretty good picture of price trends.
Hence, even as a question was raised not too long ago in one blog as to why QE2 had not resulted in greater inflation, a look at all the data showed that such a question actually missed the mark. QE2 was, among other things, skewing equities prices more than consumer prices, with a clear and accelerating decoupling from national income manifesting itself. And if one understands the various financial linkages and behavior e.g., the incentive to search for yield, that outcome makes reasonable sense. Since that time, the imminent end of QE2, deceleration of U.S. growth, and Greece-related issues have partially reversed the QE2-related distortions.