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Supreme Court health care arguments under way

You have offered nothing but dodging and diversion.

It is understandable because there is nothing in the Constitution that supports the power you 'feel' the federal government should have.

When you actually have an argument, rather than constant dodging of reality, let us know.

Lord, do they give you guys classes on how to dodge. Our issue is judicial activism. Focus. I linked those who disagree with you in the other thread. here, we're discussing judicial activism. People disagree on the law. That's the point. The court will rule on which view of the law is correct. That is not judicial activism.
 
Odd, the NPR show today has me beliving they will not interfere with congress and will not strike the mandate down. And certainly would not strike down the centerpiece of a democratic presidents term, on a party-line vote.

The basic case the panel made was that the commerce clause is sufficiently broad enough, that if it's fairly well defined how the mandate is tied to regulation (it appears to be), and is driven by some limiting principle(s), then the court shouldn't interefere. They believed Roberts will clearly state how this power to mandate is limited by a/b/c and thus not some widepread green light on a very wide interpretation in every other situation...and then not rule it unconstitutional.

I don't think it's clear enough yet to predict what they will do. I don't think either side should rest easy just yet.
 
No, I don't believe we are. I think that the mandate is clearly supported under existing precedent. The Court is supposed to give deference to laws passed by the elected legislature and signed by the elected President. I've seen evidence in the past that conservative majority will cast aside its sound judgment to reach a political end (see Bush v. Gore) and I'm not confident that they won't do the same thing here. So in short, if they come out against the mandate I can't say definitively whether it would be the result of objective analysis (possible, given their very conservative judicial philiosophy), judicial activism, or more likely, a combination of the two.

So, are we on record that finding the mandate unconstitutional COULD be judicial activism?

Oh . . . then it wasn't meant to be a joke. OK. One of these days, you may actually decide what you really meant. More likely, though, what you "meant" will vary according to the convenience of the moment.

And you keep using this word "clear," though you don't seem to be able or willing to come up with the goods when asked to show the clarity. (Like, say the "clarity" of the mandate being intended as a tax, both in the language of the statute, and in the record of legislative intent.) It's an old legal joke that any time you see the word "clear" you can bet that whatever follows will be anything but. I see you will carry on that tradition with pride.
 
Lord, do they give you guys classes on how to dodge. Our issue is judicial activism. Focus. I linked those who disagree with you in the other thread. here, we're discussing judicial activism. People disagree on the law. That's the point. The court will rule on which view of the law is correct. That is not judicial activism.

You can not state where the Constitution gives the fed powers you 'feel' it should have, so you say others are dodging, and need to focus? Get a grip.

I have put up the long accepted definition of judicial activism, that you ignore it because it does not fit your needs/beliefs is your own issue.
 
You can not state where the Constitution gives the fed powers you 'feel' it should have, so you say others are dodging, and need to focus? Get a grip.

I have put up the long accepted definition of judicial activism, that you ignore it because it does not fit your needs/beliefs is your own issue.

No one said I can't. I've merely already linked that before, as have others. The point here is to accept that there are honest disagreements and that a court will have to decide on one or the other. Doing so, basing it on law, is not activism.
 
This and the mention of Bush v Gore as activism should show you (Harshaw) the pointlessness of the debate with this guy.

Well, he apparently thinks Bush v. Gore was decided 5-4, so this isn't surprising.

(For the record, the equal protection portion of Bush v. Gore was decided 7-2, so the ongoing count was going to be thrown out on that basis. The 5-4 decision on the deadline was decided with the majority going with the letter of Florida law. The minority wanted to finesse the statutory deadline into something different, which would be far closer to any rational definition of "judicial activism," given that it would have invented something not there in the law.)
 
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No one said I can't. I've merely already linked that before, as have others. The point here is to accept that there are honest disagreements and that a court will have to decide on one or the other. Doing so, basing it on law, is not activism.

You are making the assumption that those that would uphold the mandate are basing it on law. That would be an incorrect assumption, yet again, on your part. You would understand this if you would simply read the documents I previously suggested you read.
 
Very interesting and good analysis. Though I will say, I found it interesting how all three's take on the individual mandate came from the notion of essentially "What will need to happen for the Government to win the case" stand point. IE...hopefully the mandate stands, and this is how it could happen.

The reason for that take is going in it was more "what would it take for the states suing to win the case". By day two, it clearly looked the other way around. SCOTUSblog is really good about being nonpartisan.
 
on an interesting aside, if the court does throw out the mandate, i wonder how that affects the interpretation of Wickard v Filburn and Gonzales v Raich? much of the failed drug war rests on these commerce clause rulings. interstate commerce and the ability to regulate said commerce has been defined very broadly by these decisions.

in the current case, we have a situation in which individuals are already participating in health care commerce even if they don't buy insurance. this is the case because the industry has to treat them even if they can't pay, and this cost is spread to each and every person who does pay. this is substantial effect by any definition. so if the substantial effect in this case doesn't meet the threshold, what does that say about the much lesser substantial effect of someone growing marijuana for private use? i would argue that this would cast those older decisions in an entirely different light.
 
Oh . . . then it wasn't meant to be a joke. OK. One of these days, you may actually decide what you really meant. More likely, though, what you "meant" will vary according to the convenience of the moment.

And you keep using this word "clear," though you don't seem to be able or willing to come up with the goods when asked to show the clarity. (Like, say the "clarity" of the mandate being intended as a tax, both in the language of the statute, and in the record of legislative intent.) It's an old legal joke that any time you see the word "clear" you can bet that whatever follows will be anything but. I see you will carry on that tradition with pride.

Well, as I keep telling you, I obviously cannot question your superior understanding of how I intended this or that. It's obvious that you know better than I do what the thoughts are inside my head. Obviously there is no point in my simply telling you what I meant because you will only fire back with your devastating "I don't believe you" retort.

As far as what's clear, I don't recall you asking, but I've previously made reference to the Wickard case, where the Court held that an act of Congress could prevent a man from growing wheat on his own farm within a single state for his own consumption, subject to its power to regulate interstate commerce. The Court reasoned that, if he was growing wheat for his own use, that meant that he wasn't buying wheat from others that may have been sold through interstate commerce. In other words what they were saying was that Congress could force the farmer to buy wheat, as opposed to growing it himself. The issue, according to the Court, was not whether the farmer was participating in in interstate commerce, but rather, whether the activity he was engaged in "exert[ed] a substantial economic effect on interstate commerce".

Now substitute health care for wheat and that should start to "clear" things up for you. See, it doesn't matter if a free rider isn't engaged in commerce, because his or her failure to purchase insurance exerts a substantial effect on interstate commerce, e.g. it drives up insurance costs for non-free riders and it interferes with Congress' ability to regulate the insurance market.

Justice Scalia illustrated that point nicely in Raich when he wrote, "Unlike the power to regulate activities that have a substantial effect on interstate commerce, the power to enact laws enabling effective regulation of interstate commerce can only be exercised in conjunction with congressional regulation of an interstate market, and it extends only to those measures necessary to make the interstate regulation effective." In this case, taking away the mandate is necessary to regulate the health insurance market, and specifically it's necessary to the legitimate purpose of eliminating preexisting condition exclusions.

Raich, in case you don't know, was is a recent case that very much mirrors the 1938 Wickard case. The Court held that marijuana grown in California -- legally per California law -- by an individual for personal consumption, could be impounded by the federal government pursuant to its power to regulate interestate commerce.

To some up: was the farmer in Wickard engaged in commerce, let alone interstate commerce? No. Was the pot grower in Raich engaged in commerce, let alone interstate commerce? No. Could Congress still direct their actions pursuant to the interestate commerce clause? Yes, because Congress had a rational basis to think that the sort of purely local, non-commercial activities that they were engaged in could have a substantial effect on interstate commerce.

Can you distinguish the cases?
 
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You are making the assumption that those that would uphold the mandate are basing it on law. That would be an incorrect assumption, yet again, on your part. You would understand this if you would simply read the documents I previously suggested you read.

And you're making an assumption they wouldn't be. However, I am certain the majority opinion will point to the law they used and how it supported their decision. Some will agree and others will disagree, NO MATTER HOW THEY RULE. This is the point.

And everyone involved has read those documents. You mistakenly think there can be no disagreement in what is said. On this, you are completely wrong.
 
Well, he apparently thinks Bush v. Gore was decided 5-4, so this isn't surprising.

(For the record, the equal protection portion of Bush v. Gore was decided 7-2, so the ongoing count was going to be thrown out on that basis. The 5-4 decision on the deadline was decided with the majority going with the letter of Florida law. The minority wanted to finesse the statutory deadline into something different, which would be far closer to any rational definition of "judicial activism," given that it would have invented something not there in the law.)

Apparently you don't understand what the import of the various decisions actually was. While you are correct that the equal protection issue was decided 7-2, the decision to prevent a recount -- and thus to throw the election to Bush, came down 5-4, with the familiar conservatives comprising the five.
 
Well, as I keep telling you, I obviously cannot question your superior understanding of how I intended this or that. It's obvious that you know better than I do what the thoughts are inside my head. Obviously there is no point in my simply telling you what I meant because you will only fire back with your devastating "I don't believe you" retort.

Waaah waaaah waaaah. The tantrum is all very well, but it could be avoided if you don't try to weasel out of what you say. First it's a "joke," then it isn't.

Kinda like the insurance mandate is "clearly" meant to be a tax, then it's a "clearly" a regulation of interstate commerce. (Who knows how many times that's gone back and forth.) You latch on to whatever you think will help you most at the moment.

Can you distinguish the cases?

Sure. Easily. The fact patterns are nothing alike, especially in Raich, where the grower was doing something illegal. Nor did either case involve a law which required the purchase of anything and fines if that item wasn't purchased (not to mention exempting a lot of people from it altogether). Not to mention that the congressional schemes involved were meant to address extremely different sets of circumstances and meant to effect very different outcomes from what we have today. The analysis of everything is different.
 
Apparently you don't understand what the import of the various decisions actually was. While you are correct that the equal protection issue was decided 7-2, the decision to prevent a recount -- and thus to throw the election to Bush, came down 5-4, with the familiar conservatives comprising the five.

No, I said exactly what it was. The majority didn't seek to prevent another recount, it ruled that the deadline was what the statute said it was. The majority did not seek to prevent any other recount in the time that was left, though it was quite brief. It was the minority which tried to manipulate the statute into something which it didn't say.

"Import," eh? How is that but a code word for initiating judicial meddling? The statute said what it said, and it was very specific. When you begin to argue that it "effectively" prevented another recount, with the assumption that there should have been another one, you're looking for the court to ignore the law and rule differently from what it says. That's "activism" if the word means anything.
 
Moderator's Warning:
For such a contentious issue this thread has remained relatively civil and within the rules. Baiting comments like the above need to end, now, or one way tickets out of this thread will quickly be given

Moderator's Warning:
Since it was buried a few pages back, going to be nice and bump this up as a reminder. Some posts are pushing things again.
 
Waaah waaaah waaaah. The tantrum is all very well, but it could be avoided if you don't try to weasel out of what you say. First it's a "joke," then it isn't.

It was intended as a joke to tweak conservatives, who can only see activism when decisions don't go their way. That's not related to my belief that there may -- or may not -- be activism involved in the final decision. Again, you have a really annoying habit of telling people what the *really* think -- which is of course always a lie because you have no idea what other people *really* think.

Kinda like the insurance mandate is "clearly" meant to be a tax, then it's a "clearly" a regulation of interstate commerce. (Who knows how many times that's gone back and forth.) You latch on to whatever you think will help you most at the moment.

Again, these are not mutually exclusive. In my opinion the penalty clearly has the function of a tax, and the mandate also falls within Congress' power to regulate interestate commerce.

Sure. Easily. The fact patterns are nothing alike, especially in Raich, where the grower was doing something illegal.

Wow, what an awesome bit of circular reasoning. The grower was only doing something illegal if Congress had the authority to regulate it under the interstate commerce clause.

Nor did either case involve a law which required the purchase of anything and fines if that item wasn't purchased (not to mention exempting a lot of people from it altogether). Not to mention that the congressional schemes involved were meant to address extremely different sets of circumstances and meant to effect very different outcomes from what we have today. The analysis of everything is different.

These are distinctions without a difference. In Raich, the Court -- including Scalia -- held that Congress has the power to regulate activity that is not interstate OR commerce in order to effect it's broader power to regulate interstate commerce. In Wickard, the Court effectively held that a farmer had to purchase wheat, as opposed to growing it himself. Now, Congress didn't flat-out *say* that the farmer had to purchase wheat, but the end result of their regulation meant that he was forced to purchase wheat. In other words, Congress forced the farmer to engage in commerce and the Court said, "good on you, you have that power under the interstate commerce clause."

And again, the unelected Court is supposed to give DEFERENCE to legislation that was lawfully passed by our elected representatives and our elected President.
 
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The problem with the current system (with our without Congresscare) is that people can be still turned away for much needed medical care

If that's the problem, then the only solution is one where no one can be turned away for needed medical care under any circumstances. This is pie-in-the-sky entitlement thinking.

About 2% of the nation's uninsured could afford to insure themselves. The rest can't afford it. If you mandate that these 2% of the uninsured fork it over, and entitle the other 98% to all the health care they'll ever need, that means costs that are already prohibitively high will rise further.
 
If that's the problem, then the only solution is one where no one can be turned away for needed medical care under any circumstances. This is pie-in-the-sky entitlement thinking.

About 2% of the nation's uninsured could afford to insure themselves. The rest can't afford it. If you mandate that these 2% of the uninsured fork it over, and entitle the other 98% to all the health care they'll ever need, that means costs that are already prohibitively high will rise further.

How on earth do you conclude that universal coverage is a pie-in-the-sky idea? Virtually every advanced country other than the U.S. has universal health care, and they manage to provide it at about half the cost per capita that we do.
 
It was intended as a joke to tweak conservatives, who can only see activism when decisions go their way. That's not affected by my belief that there may -- or may not -- be activism involved in the final decision. Again, you have a really annoying habit of telling people what the *really* think -- which is of course always a lie because you have no idea what other people *really* think.

:shrug: I know weaseling when I see it. You refuse to define judicial activism, after repeated attempts to get you do so (all of your answers were sarcastic), so it perfectly well stands to reason that you wish it to remain purposely undefined.

And nothing in the context of your original post indicates that you meant it as a "joke" at all.

So tell me, then, as I've asked before numerous times . . . if the mandate is ruled unconstitutional, how, specifically, is it judicial activism? Can you answer that head on? It will require you to state what judicial activism is, then it will require you to show how the ruling would fit that definition.

So . . . ?


Again, these are not mutually exclusive. In my opinion the penalty clearly has the function of a tax, and the mandate also falls within Congress' power to regulate interestate commerce.

No, you said it was "clearly" "intended" to BE a tax. The power to tax is entirely separate from the interstate commerce power. Tell me again how what I quoted here isn't a setup for the mandate to be whatever you want it to be at the time you want it to be so?

You have never provided any evidence from a) the statute, or b) from the Congressional record that it was meant to be a tax, though you did say it was "clear." Again, should not be a problem if it IS so clear.


Wow, what an awesome bit of circular reasoning. The grower was only doing something illegal if Congress had the authority to regulate it under the interstate commerce clause.

Wow, so what? The point is that it was entirely different issue under an entirely different legal construct. You wanted me to distinguish it; that's how.

These are distinctions without a difference.

Says you.

But in the real world of jurisprudence, it's three different categories of distinction.

In Raich, the Court -- including Scalia -- held that Congress has the power to regulate activity that is not interstate OR commerce in order to effect it's broader power to regulate interstate commerce.

In a fact pattern which couldn't be more different. We've been over this. You wanted "distinguished"; that's about as "distinguished" as it gets.


In Wickard, the Court effectively held that a farmer had to purchase wheat, as opposed to growing it himself. Now, Congress didn't flat-out *say* that the farmer had to purchase wheat, but the end result of their regulation meant that he was forced to purchase wheat.

:roll: He wasn't fined if he didn't. He wasn't required to buy anything. And even if he were, it's about his specific trade; it doesn't affect him at all otherwise. The mandate requires you to purchase insurance as a condition for living.
 
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How on earth do you conclude that universal coverage is a pie-in-the-sky idea?

We can't afford it as it is currently, and there aren't that many more people out there who can contribute to the pool, but there are a lot who will need to take from it, especially as the Medicare population swells.

Virtually every advanced country other than the U.S. has universal health care, and they manage to provide it at about half the cost per capita that we do.

How many of these countries had astronomical health care costs AND a huge proportion of uninsured people right before they implemented a plan to entitle them all to it? Maybe countries whose costs have always been much lower were thus more able to implement UHC. How many of those countries had just doubled their debt in 5 years?

"Sweden does it!" fails to demonstrate that we can entitle our entire population to the priciest care in the universe and then somehow pay for it.
 
:shrug: I know weaseling when I see it.

Translation: I know what you were thinking better than you do.

Analysis: I said what I meant and you are a lying about what's inside my head for some twisted reason.


So tell me, then, as I've asked before numerous times . . . if the mandate is ruled unconstitutional, how, specifically, is it judicial activism? Can you answer that head on? It will require you to state what judicial activism is, then it will require you to show how the ruling would fit that definition.

So . . . ?

I just answered that at great length. Try to keep up.


No, you said it was "clearly" "intended" to BE a tax. The power to tax is entirely separate from the interstate commerce power. Tell me again how what I quoted here isn't a setup for the mandate to be whatever you want it to be at the time you want it to be so?

You have never provided any evidence from a) the statute, or b) from the Congressional record that it was meant to be a tax, though you did say it was "clear." Again, should not be a problem if it IS so clear.

I said that? You better find the quote if you want me to respond to it, because we all know that you make **** up as you go along.

In any case, yes, the penalty has the same effect as a tax. Ezra Kline wrote a short piece today saying that it is functionally nearly identical to the tax credit in Ryan's plan:

The tax credit, meanwhile, is essentially indistinguishable from the mandate. Ryan’s plan offers a $2,300 refundable tax credit to individuals and a $5,700 credit to families who purchase private health insurance. Of course, tax credits aren’t free. In effect, what Ryan’s plan does is raises taxes and/or cut services by the cost of his credit and then rebate the difference to everyone who signs up for health insurance. It’s essentially a roundabout version of the individual mandate, which directly taxes people who don’t buy health insurance in the first place.

“It’s the same,” says William Gale, director of the Tax Policy Center. “The economics of saying you get a credit if you buy insurance and you don’t if you don’t are not different than the economics of saying you pay a penalty if you don’t buy insurance and you don’t if you do.”

Individual Mandate Is Ryan Tax Credit by Other Name - Bloomberg


Wow, so what? The point is that it was entirely different issue under an entirely different legal construct. You wanted me to distinguish it; that's how.

Thanks, that's the best laugh I've had all week! :2rofll:

Says you.

Yeah, you and what army?!

But in the real world of jurisprudence, it's three different categories of distinction.

In the real world of jurisprudence, which is obviously foreign to you, no two cases are identical. You distinguish the cases by pointing out MEANINGFUL distinctions.

He wasn't fined if he didn't. He wasn't required to buy anything. And even if he were, it's about his specific trade; it doesn't affect him at all otherwise. The mandate requires you to purchase insurance as a condition for living.

As a practical matter he was required to buy wheat, because he needed wheat and Congress told him that he couldn't grow his own. The mandate, of course, does NOT require anyone to purchase insurance. IF you meet the income guidelines then it gives you the option to buy insurance or else pay a tax penalty -- very much like Ryan's plan as noted above.
 
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:shrug: I know weaseling when I see it. You refuse to define judicial activism, after repeated attempts to get you do so (all of your answers were sarcastic), so it perfectly well stands to reason that you wish it to remain purposely undefined.

And nothing in the context of your original post indicates that you meant it as a "joke" at all.

So tell me, then, as I've asked before numerous times . . . if the mandate is ruled unconstitutional, how, specifically, is it judicial activism? Can you answer that head on? It will require you to state what judicial activism is, then it will require you to show how the ruling would fit that definition.

So . . . ?




No, you said it was "clearly" "intended" to BE a tax. The power to tax is entirely separate from the interstate commerce power. Tell me again how what I quoted here isn't a setup for the mandate to be whatever you want it to be at the time you want it to be so?

You have never provided any evidence from a) the statute, or b) from the Congressional record that it was meant to be a tax, though you did say it was "clear." Again, should not be a problem if it IS so clear.




Wow, so what? The point is that it was entirely different issue under an entirely different legal construct. You wanted me to distinguish it; that's how.



Says you.

But in the real world of jurisprudence, it's three different categories of distinction.



In a fact pattern which couldn't be more different. We've been over this. You wanted "distinguished"; that's about as "distinguished" as it gets.




:roll: He wasn't fined if he didn't. He wasn't required to buy anything. And even if he were, it's about his specific trade; it doesn't affect him at all otherwise. The mandate requires you to purchase insurance as a condition for living.


You are aleady required to pay Social Security and Medicare so how is this any different? Here is some of Charles Freid's (Reagan's Solicitor General) thoughts on the hearings.


EK: It also seemed that the framing of the question from the conservative justices was quite bad for the Obama administration. Once you’re talking about activity/inactivity distinctions, is the case already lost?

CF: Activity and inactivity is not in the Constitution. Now, there are millions of cases that talk about the power to regulate activities that affect interstate commerce, from which Randy Barnett drew the conclusion inactivity is not included. It just hadn’t come up!

And if 95 percent of them are in that market every five years, they’re in it. They haven’t put that off. They’ve gone to a health-care clinic. They’ve procured a prescription for a prescription drug. Ninety-five percent of the population! So where’s the inactivity?

The other thing is I think it’s Justice Kennedy who said this fundamentally changes the relationship of the citizen to the government. That’s an appalling piece of phony rhetoric. There is an important change between the government and the system. It was put in place in 1935, with Social Security. And it said everyone has to pay into a retirement fund, and an unemployment fund. It was done when Medicare came in in the ’60s. That’s a fundamental change. But this? This is simply a rounding out in a particular area of a relation between the citizen and the government that’s been around for 70 years.
Reagan’s solicitor general: ‘Health care is interstate commerce. Is this a regulation of it? Yes. End of story.’ - The Washington Post
 
Translation: I know what you were thinking better than you do.

Analysis: I said what I meant and you are a lying about what's inside my head for some twisted reason.

No, I'm making an assessment of what you said, taking all context into consideration.


I just answered that at great length. Try to keep up.

Seeing as you've never defined "judicial activism," no, you haven't.



I said that? You better find the quote if you want me to respond to it, because we all know that you make **** up as you go along.

http://www.debatepolitics.com/break...are-arguments-under-way-5.html#post1060332723

"We all" and "know" must be pretty loosely-defined terms.


In any case, yes, the penalty has the same effect as a tax.

You didn't claim "same effect" as. You said it meant as.


Thanks, that's the best laugh I've had all week! :2rofll:

:shrug: It doesn't say how I'm wrong.


Yeah, you and what army?!

I made a perfectly fine statement; this is a highly childish response.


In the real world of jurisprudence, which is obviously foreign to you, no two cases are identical. You distinguish the cases by pointing out MEANINGFUL distinctions.

And I did. Three whole categories of them. All you've done is dismiss them as "meaningless." How convenient.



As a practical matter he was required to buy wheat, because he needed wheat and Congress told him that he couldn't grow his own. The mandate, of course, does NOT require anyone to purchase insurance.

:lamo

No, it only fines them if they don't. Hey, you're not required to obey the speed limit; you only have to pay a penalty if you don't.

:lamo

Oh, and it's not a mandate, it's a suggestion.

:lamo


IF you meet the income guidelines then it gives you the option to buy insurance or else pay a tax penalty -- very much like Ryan's plan as noted above.

I don't give the first **** about Ryan's plan; that's a silly strawman.
 
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We can't afford it as it is currently, and there aren't that many more people out there who can contribute to the pool, but there are a lot who will need to take from it, especially as the Medicare population swells.

How many of these countries had astronomical health care costs AND a huge proportion of uninsured people right before they implemented a plan to entitle them all to it? Maybe countries whose costs have always been much lower were thus more able to implement UHC. How many of those countries had just doubled their debt in 5 years?

"Sweden does it!" fails to demonstrate that we can entitle our entire population to the priciest care in the universe and then somehow pay for it.

What difference does it make what they were doing right before they implemented universal coverage? You mean from a political perspective? Or in terms of how difficult it would be to implement?

Unfortunately it's politically impossible at the moment, which should be obvious from the wild "end times", fire-and-brim-strone rhetoric that's surrounded the very modest AHCA proposals. Sooner or later we are going to have to do it, or else it's going to bankrupt us. Right now we're standing in a tunnel and a train is bearing down on us, and half us have our thumbs up our asses muttering incoherent jibberish about "socialism".
 
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