I would like to see some documentation of the bipartisan support claim, since all I can find is one democrat actually supporting it.
It's the Ryan-Wyden plan. One Republican, one Democrat. Which is an adaptation of Ryan's earlier work, which was in the Ryan-Rivlin plan. Again, one Republican, one Democrat. Ryan has a history of being able to bring independents and moderate Democrats on board with significant changes to our entitlement structure - a history that highlights the current administrations' failure to do so.
His tax plan is majorly different than Simpson Bowles(which called for, among other things, increasing the progressiveness of the tax system)
Well, Simpson Bowles actually offered three different tax plans, but all of them were built on the same model that Ryan uses: lowering nominal rates while stripping out reductions.
Simpson Bowles offered three sets of tax brackets, depending on how much complexity you stripped out:
8, 14, and 23% (Corporate rate lowered to 26%)
9, 15, and 24% (Corporate rate lowered to 26%)
12, 22, and 28% (Corporate rate lowered to 28%)
Ryan's last budget did the exact same thing that Simpson-Bowles did, and called for stripping out complexity while reducing nominal rates. Specifically, replacing the current 6 brackets not with three, but with two: 10% for all income below $100,000 and 25% for all income above that.
The President's plan, in contrast, is to either continue or increase current levels of complexity while
also increasing nominal rates. The precise
opposite of the approach recommended by his own Bi-Partisan Deficit Reduction Committee and used by Ryan.
and his spending plans are nothing at all like Simpson Bowles
That is not correct. They recommended greater cuts to discretionary spending, and also proposed some changes to Social Security. However, when you look at what they did with Social Security (reducing expenditures on wealthier retirees in order to guarantee a minimum benefit to lower income retirees while reducing net expenditures), they were using the same kind of cost-shifting that you see in Ryan's call to make the Medicare benefit progressive. Furthermore, when you look at many of the particular spending cuts (reducing the federal workforce through attrition, pay freezes for federal workers, making government more efficient, eliminating congressional earmarks) they propose, they are things that are also part of Ryan's work as well.
Which has nothing to do with whether or not they will like Ryan Medicare plan.
The real battle is convincing Americans that we need to have a serious debate about how to put our spending on a sustainable path - including our entitlements. Once that is done, I'm fairly certain that they will prefer the Ryan approach, which tilts benefits to lower-income retirees and puts them in charge of deciding what gets' cut to the President's approach, which cuts at a flat rate and puts a board in Washington in charge of what gets' stripped out. The trick is simply moving beyond the Presidents' Mediscare tactics into that adult conversation.
You can have an adult conversation and disagree with his plan.
That is certainly true. However, there is plenty of polling out there that indicates that - once people are asked
how to reform Medicare - that Ryan's basic proposal is either the more popular, or has ample room to become so.
Page two of this Kaiser Poll, for example, I find fascinating.
when asked:
... Which of these two descriptions comes closer to your view of what Medicare should look like in the future? Medicare should continue as it is today, with the government guaranteeing seniors health insurance and making sure that everyone gets the same defined set of benefits, OR, Medicare should be changed to a system in which the government would guarantee each senior a fixed amount of money to put toward health insurance. Seniors would purchase that coverage either from traditional Medicare or from a list of private health plans....
70% of folks say to keep Medicare the way it is, while 25% say change it. However, keeping Medicare as it is isn't an option on the table this election - both parties intend to cut quite a bit of spending out of Medicare. once people who voted to "keep medicare the way it is" are presented with the caveat that "Today's Seniors Won't Be Affected By The Proposed Changes", 25% immediately shift their position, and only 43% are left continuing to vote for "Keep Medicare As It Is". That is, 43% of the original 70%, making for a total of only 30% of the populace.
Furthermore, it points out that when you point out to "Keep Medicare As It Is" respondents that Medicare risks going bankrupt, only 30% retain that position, and when you point out that "Under this proposal, private plans will compete for Seniors business and seniors will be able to choose plans based on cost, benefits, and availability", only 39% continue to argue for "Keep[ing] Medicare As It Is".
the three main republican arguments, when presented, shift 25% of the "Keep Medicare As It Is" populace instantly, with 38, 28, and 24% saying that they could be shifted by those arguments. When all three are presented together, we can probably imagine the effect is cumulative.
In contrast, when the three main Democrat Arguments are presented to the "Change Medicare" respondents, only 9, 10, and 12% change their positions, while only 14, 13, and 10% identify themselves as "could be shifted" by those arguments.
And if you do not think his plan is polarizing and controversial, you are fooling yourself.
:shrug: if you call a bi partisan plan built on similar concepts as the President's
own bi-partisan deficit reduction commission that garners significant support from the populace "polarizing and controversial". I tend to suspect it is fire-on-hair-inducing only among those who are ideologically committed to the left core, and they think that because
they see it as the end of the world, that everyone else will, too.
Ryan and republicans are easy to attack. Congress has approval ratings somewhere in the neighborhood of the black plague. Just saying no and passing sure to fail bills is not an idea. Claiming democrats have no ideas when they have made significant changes the last 4 years is silly. Picking Ryan does not put Romney in the drivers seat, it puts him on the defensive.
Democrats absolutely have put through some big changes.
And a strong majority of likely voters think that Obama has changed the country for the worse. However, now Obama has shot his wad. He had his chance, and his supermajority, and he put through Stimulus and Obamacare.... and we got... crap. The only major part of his agenda that he missed was Cap-and-Trade. Now? He's facing a nation that needs a real growth jolt, and he's out of fresh ideas on how to do that. A third (fourth) attempt at fiscal stimulus? More monetary easing? Sit back, give it time, hope it all works out in the end?
Picking Ryan puts Romney's policy proposals front and center in the campaign, which is precisely what he needs. Democrats are indeed out of fresh ideas, which is why the Big Thing to come out of the Democrat Platform this year isn't some new entitlement reform or way to spur growth, but gay marriage and a 4.5% nominal income tax rate increase on upper income earners.
And Obama is gutting welfare work requirements and is a kenyan commie. Any one crying about only one sides unfair, negative attacks this election year is totally blinding themselves to reality.
:roll: well that's a cute strawman, but it doesn't alter the fact that Democrats are going to come after Romney with Mediscare no matter
who he picks. Better to have the best guy at defending the platform... defending the platform. You don't send your second-stringer to the Olympics.
It is a gamble with a small upside and big downside. Even if he turns Wisconsin for Romney, that does not win things for Romney, while the potential for costing a state like Florida is real.
That depends on whether you think that winning the election is an end, rather than the means. And I think you are overestimating the potential for loss in Florida due to a Ryan pick - people forget that Rubio won that state campaigning explicitly on entitlement reform. America's seniors aren't as easily led as the Obama campaign is hoping they are.